This article explores the political dynamics surrounding the Eastern Provincial Council during Sri Lanka’s post-war transition. We show that decentralisation constituted an intervention in conflict, rather than a solution to it. It creates new institutional arenas to re-negotiate centre-periphery relations, resulting in new forms of political mobilisation. There are crucial spatial dimensions to these contentions: it involves contested territorialisation of power, scalar manoeuvring, and boundary drawing. These are explored in Sri Lanka’s Eastern Province, with particular reference to the role performed by brokers in mediating centre-periphery relations, through and alongside the Provincial Council.

The concept of decentralisation has shaped development thinking in contemporary times in both developed and developing countries. Indeed, the demand for decentralisation is strong throughout the world because of its link to community development and improving the quality of life of mass of the people in the rural areas. Decentralisation is globally recognised as the way of ensuring community participation and local development. However, some authors argue that the purported benefits of decentralisation leading to community development are not as obvious as proponents of decentralisation suggest. In Africa, decentralisation is implemented in various forms by governments across the continent. Indeed, in West Africa, it is difficult to find a country that does not have decentralisation programme. In Ghana, decentralisation has been practiced since 1988 and the populace has come to embrace it as the best way of ensuring development and local participation in governance. Nevertheless, after nearly three decades of implementing decentralisation, which has generated rather elaborate structures and processes, Ghana still struggles to realise the expected developmental progress, or achieve the envisioned structural and procedural effectiveness. This paper explores the relationship between decentralisation and community development in Sekyere Central District. Again the paper seeks to find out the contributions decentralisation has brought to the communities in Sekyere Central District and finally investigate whether decentralisation is working as it should in the district. This paper was carried out using a mixed method approach. Purposive sampling technique was adopted to select all the assembly members in Sekyere Central District. Both primary and secondary data were collected from the relevant sources in an effort to meet the objectives of the study. The regression analysis of all the assembly members indicated that, the calculated value F is 28.25 at 5% alpha level of significant (0.000). It shows that there is significant relationship between decentralisation and community development.

In November 2016, the Colombian Government and the insurgent FARC signed a final peace agreement. Central to the accord is what the parties call ‘territorial peacebuilding’, a long-term strategy to integrate Colombia’s vast (rural) hinterlands into the nation’s legal political system and economy. ‘Territorial peacebuilding’ follows on from decentralisation and security consolidation, both of which experienced problems, however, ultimately falling short of integrating Colombia. To be more effective now it is imperative to devise a governance strategy for territorial peacebuilding that includes the subnational political and administrative entities, enhances citizen participation and protects local governments from capture by criminal interests.

Karachi’s history has left a city riven by tribal, ethnic and sectarian divisions, which exhibits dimensions of fragility typical of ‘post-conflict’ cities. Pakistan has faced many challenges in establishing transparent government, and local government dissolution in 2009 led to a rapid increase in informal service provision, ghettoisation of low-income settlements, as sectarian violence left large parts of the city ungovernable. Through a case study of North Nazimabad, this paper explores the ensuing chasm and governance mechanisms that filled the gap, examining what happens when local government fails, and how groups and communities contest political, social and physical space.

Local governments have been explicitly recognised in the suite of international agreements, collectively known as the post-2015 Development Agenda. However, in post-conflict, in-conflict or fragile situations, the role of local governments and decentralisation processes more generally becomes even more complex than ‘normal’ development contexts. In the best-case scenario, decentralisation can be a tool to empower local communities, rebuild trust and transform conflicts. At the opposite end of the spectrum, it can be an instrument of domination or a new avenue for extending and firmly entrenching rent-seeking behaviour, eventually exacerbating conflict. This paper applies a practitioner’s lens to the papers included in this collection. It also draws on the author’s own experiences, most recently in Myanmar, which is emerging from international isolation, witnessing a huge and rapid economic and physical transformation, yet battling conflicts on several fronts. The role of local governments in this complex landscape is dynamic and rapidly evolving. The paper concludes by summarising the challenges faced by local governments in conflict, post-conflict and fragile contexts, and acknowledges the remarkable mobilisation and sustained advocacy by several local government associations and networks, many of which also came together under the umbrella of the Global Task Force of Local and Regional Governments.